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作者： 裴敏欣 来源： 财经网
在经历了十年的口号统治之后，中国民众想要一些实质性的进展。这给习主席提出了真正的挑战。
几乎所有的国家，不管是民主还是专制政体的统治精英都认为漂亮的口号能鼓舞民众并使其权力合法化。当然，这其中有着关键性的差别。在实行民主制的国家，政府领导人要为其承诺负责：媒体可以仔细考究其政策，在野党会主动揭发执政党的谎言和骗局。因此，在位者常常会被迫兑现至少一部分承诺。
相比之下，威权统治者就无需面对这样的压力。这就会导致政府由喊口号者组成，被喊口号者把持，并只为那些喊口号者服务。
中国政府为了回应公众对社会正义日益增长的需求，已经设计了众多口号，比如“执政为民”、“构建和谐社会”、“平衡发展”及“科学发展”等等。
不管北京的最高层领导何时提出这样的口号，它们都会成为官僚机构的战斗口号。
在过去的十年，中国GDP实现了高速增长，但社会正义、治理绩效和公共福利的大部分指标反而都恶化了。随着经济增长变得过度依赖投资和出口，宏观经济失衡状况不断恶化。社会不平等状况也在加剧。官员腐败升级。社会流动性下降。环境恶化则到达了一个危机爆发点。
如今，避免接下来的十年继续错失时机的责任落在了以习近平主席为首的新一代领导层肩上。紧随其前任的步调，新主席很快推出了一个新口号来激发公众对其领导能力的信心。作为行政目标的宣传语，“中华民族的伟大复兴”有点长了，但它最近被改成了较为简单的“中国梦”。
但中国梦的实质内容仍然难以确定。在习近平被选为新任中共总书记后首次公布其口号时，他用简单，容易理解，但依然笼统的术语来定义中国梦：即“中国人民过上和世界其他国家人民一样美好生活的梦想。”
自那以后习近平很少谈及中国梦——不过，中国梦已经取代了官方政治宣传中的“中国模式”标牌。不管新政府干了些什么，都会被看为是立志为让“中国梦”成真而努力。
在经历了十年的口号统治之后，中国民众想要一些实质性的进展。这给习主席提出了真正的挑战。他通过在共产党内部赢得朋友和盟友攀上了权力顶峰。如今他领导着一个动态、多元且要求越来越高的社会，他必须获得公众的支持和信心以维持其信誉并成为一个拿得出政绩的政治家。
习近平应该做的第一件事情是要明确给出一个更清晰、更具体且鼓舞人心的中国梦版本，并阻止宣传官员代他去下定义。中国梦可以包含所有普通中国人想要的经济利益和物质需求，但如果缺乏文明社会公民视为理所当然的人权和尊严，中国梦就会是一个不完整的理念。
习近平及其同僚应该做的第二件事则是跟进实施可以支撑其宣传目标可信度的具体政策和行动。政治口号——无论多么高调，当许诺者不能兑现其承诺时都会变味。
习可能还正与中国的民众享受着他们之间的美好“蜜月”，但这个“蜜月”期会很短。他的前任有十年的时间来实施真正的改革但只实现了很小一部分，这使得中国人失去了再次忍受十年空喊口号的信心。
原英文版：China's Dream World
After a decade of government by slogan, the Chinese public wants substance. This presents Xi with a real challenge.
By Minxin Pei
CLAREMONT, CALIFORNIA – Ruling elites almost everywhere – whether in democracies or in authoritarian regimes – believe that clever sloganeering can inspire their people and legitimize their power. There are, of course, crucial differences. In functioning democracies, government leaders can be held accountable for their promises: the press can scrutinize their policies, opposition parties are motivated to show that the party in power lies and cheats. As a result, incumbents are frequently forced to carry out at least some of their promises.
Autocratic rulers, by contrast, face no such pressures. The result is government of the sloganeers, by the sloganeers, and for the sloganeers.
In China, the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP), in response to rising public demand for social justice, has devised numerous slogans, such as "governing for the people," "building a harmonious society," "balanced development," "scientific development," and so on.
Whenever the top leadership in Beijing uttered such slogans, they became the rallying cry of the bureaucracy.
In the last decade, GDP growth soared, but most indices of social justice, governance performance, and public welfare deteriorated. Macroeconomic imbalances worsened as economic growth became excessively dependent on investment and exports. Inequality worsened. Official corruption escalated. Social mobility declined. Environmental degradation reached a crisis point.
Today, it is the responsibility of China's new leadership, headed by President Xi Jinping, to avert another decade of missed opportunities. Without missing a beat, Xi, like his predecessors, rolled out a new slogan to inspire popular confidence in his leadership. As a catchphrase for his administration's objective, "the great renaissance of the Chinese nation" is bit long, but it has lately morphed into the simpler "China Dream."
The substance of the China Dream remains difficult to determine. When Xi first unveiled his slogan after being selected as the CCP's new general secretary, he defined it in simple, accessible, but nonetheless generic terms: The "Chinese people dream of living the same good life as all other people in the world."
Xi has said little about the China Dream since – but the China Dream has replaced the "China Model" in official political branding. Whatever the new administration does is touted as part of its ambitious effort to make the "China Dream" come true.
After a decade of government by slogan, the Chinese public wants substance. This presents Xi with a real challenge. He has risen to the top by winning friends and allies inside the CCP. Now that he is the leader of a dynamic, diverse, and increasingly demanding society, he must gain popular support and confidence to maintain his credibility and become an effective politician.
The first thing that Xi should do is to articulate a clearer, more specific, and inspiring version of the China Dream, and stop letting the CCP's propaganda officials define it for him. The China Dream may include all of the economic benefits and material comfort that ordinary Chinese desire, but it will not be complete without the human rights and dignity that citizens in civilized societies take for granted.
The second thing that Xi and his colleagues need to do is to follow up with specific policies and actions that can bolster the credibility of their declared goals. Political slogans, however high-sounding, become stale when their purveyors fail to make good on their promises.
Xi may still be enjoying a honeymoon with the Chinese public, but it is likely to be a short one. His predecessors had ten years to carry out real reforms and accomplished little, leaving the Chinese in no mood to endure another decade of government by shibboleth.
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